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The population of San Diego, CA was estimated to be 1, in Minimum Wage The State of California enforces different minimum wages in some districts. The city of San Diego may be in a district with a different minimum wage than this. Additionally, the city served as a home for several military bases and naval air stations, which increased in size after World War II.

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This helps with planning your life and that of your family. Jobs with Benefits By forming a union you can negotiate a contract with benefits that are guaranteed in writing. Benefits like a health and dental plan, vacation pay, paid sick leave, a pension plan, training and overtime.

Job Security With a union contract, you can stop favouritism, and challenge unfair discipline and dismissal. Your employer can only fire you with a good reason. Having a union also allows employees to have a say when cost-cutting, contracting-out, restructuring and other decisions are considered. Safer workplaces With a union, you and your co-workers will have the support you need to fix health and safety dangers in your workplace.

The United Steelworkers are experts in workplace safety. Our leadership programs train USW members on how to build power and negotiate with employers, become skilled health and safety representatives and even build leadership skills in the community too. USW supports lifelong learning through scholarships for members, their children and grandchildren. Know your rights Unionized and non-unionized workers have rights Steelworkers are trained in how to win safer working conditions, fight harassment at the workplace, and win fairer pay and benefits.

We have organizers, negotiators, researchers, communications specialists and a legal team that help our members protect their rights. If you think that your employer is breaking the law and you want to join a union to have a team on your side, sign up to join our union.

You have the right to join a union and organize with others to form a union You and your co-workers have the right to: Discuss the union at work during non-working hours Distribute union information in non-work areas during non-working hours Sign a USW membership card Help fellow employees join your union Participate in meetings to discuss joining your union Your employer cannot: Interfere with the formation, selection or administration of your union Coerce or intimidate employees to stop them from joining your union Discriminate against employees because of their activities in support of your union Make promises like better pay or benefits to encourage employees to oppose your union Threaten to close your workplace or lay people off if you form your union Demand to know about your union support Help anti-union employees to oppose your union Spy on employees for the purpose of observing union activities You have the right to a workplace that is free from harassment and discrimination.

Employers cannot refuse to hire workers because of their race, religion, ethnic origin, skin colour, sex, age, marital status, disability, gender presentation or sexual orientation. State and federal laws regulating work relationships—such as restrictions on polygraph testing—have also proliferated. The second alternative is the development of more professional human resource programs at companies. They include mechanisms like quality circles to involve employees in decisions on the job and nonunion grievance procedures for dispensing workplace justice.

Both these systems have their virtues—and their drawbacks. Government regulation, for example, has the advantage of protecting the interests of all employees, not just union members. Laws tend to work best where unions are present to make sure the laws are enforced.

The fact is, nonunion employees are at greater risk of suffering from employer abuses—no matter what the letter of the law may say. At the same time, a panoply of standardized government-imposed rules administered by government agencies is likely to be a greater obstacle to managerial flexibility than unions ever were. In the end, no company will put the interests of employees over the interests of shareholders in a direct conflict—if the stakes are high enough.

Thus the human resource approach tends to break down precisely where companies need it most: in situations of severe conflict. The very best HR systems recognize this fact by going to great lengths to build fairness into nonunion grievance procedures. But only a small handful—probably less than a half dozen—take the ultimate step of allowing for outside arbitration as a last resort.

The trouble with both alternatives, argues Weiler, is that neither provides workers with an independent source of power inside the company. And too much regulation from outside impedes efficiency. Human resource programs, on the other hand, give workers some influence inside the company, but they are not an independent source of power. Collective bargaining is the only American institution that gives workers the ability to claim both kinds of protection—from outside and inside.

For a brief period in the late s, U. As a result, the artisan-dominated craft unions became increasingly obsolete. For the better part of 40 years, the craft unions all but ignored this development—as well as the growing numbers of unskilled immigrants working in the new factories. It took the enormous social dislocation of the Great Depression and the bitter labor conflicts of the s to create a new system of industrial relations.

Seen from the vantage point of today, it is easy to forget just how successful industrial unionism was—and not just for union members but for the economy as a whole. The new industrial unions created procedures to protect workers from arbitrary treatment on the job. But the labor-relations system that grew up around industrial unionism did far more than that. By organizing all the major companies in steel, auto, rubber, and other mass-production industries, industrial unions successfully took wages out of competition.

This put a stop to the destructive wage cutting among companies that had often taken place during downturns. And by raising living standards for a broad segment of society, industrial unionism made possible the mass consumption on which a healthy mass-production economy depended. In the postwar era, U. But the very success of industrial unionism also sowed the seeds of its eventual decline. Rules bred more rules, eventually straitjacketing the production system and creating unproductive hierarchies in both companies and unions.

The costs of this system were obscured as long as the U. But since the late s, changes in the world economy have threatened to leave both U. In a global economy, wage competition is also global. And under the impact of changing markets and technologies, companies around the world are scrapping the old mass-production systems and converting to flexible manufacturing, flattening hierarchies, blurring the boundaries among functions and jobs, and encouraging—indeed, demanding—that workers make critical decisions on the factory floor.

Neither traditional American management nor American unionism fits in well with this new economic environment—a fact that even strong union supporters now recognize. Unions and Economic Competitiveness, a collection of essays by labor economists and industrial-relations specialists sympathetic to unions, focuses on the difficulty that both companies and unions have had in adapting to the new rules of global competition. By the s, however, this was no longer economically feasible.

Instead of being excluded, they have been integrated into managerial decision making. In Japan, with its generally peaceful labor relations, management invites union involvement to improve productivity and quality. In Germany and Scandinavia, on the other hand, laws require participation. In either case, the entrenched position of unions allows them not only to withstand the winds of economic change but also to make a positive contribution to corporate restructuring.

For an idea of what this more dynamic form of unionism looks like, consider the example of Germany, as described in Democracy at Work by Cornell professor Lowell Turner. Although legally independent of both management and union, works councils are usually dominated by union activists, who imbue them with the philosophy and policies of their national union. The influence of the works councils varies from company to company. But in many workplaces, they play an extremely active role—sometimes amounting to veto power—in all matters involving hiring, firing, training, and reassignment in the event of reorganization and technological change.

Like other German unions, it negotiates guidelines for pay levels, hours, and working conditions on a regional basis. Works councils at each plant then translate the guidelines into local agreements. Like auto factories the world over, Wolfsburg must adjust to rapid changes in the international car market. Management is cutting costs and employment levels and wants to install more efficient work practices.

Instead of waiting to be consulted, the member works council—62 seats are held by IG Metall members—is taking the initiative to make sure the plant restructuring also works to the benefit of employees and conforms to union philosophy. Take the example of team-based manufacturing, a strategy recently adopted by German auto companies as one means of competing with the Japanese.

The program emphasizes retraining and a work organization that gives employees real decision-making power. In , works councillors from all VW plants adopted the union program. Now VW management must negotiate on that agenda if it wishes to install teamwork. And now that the companies too want to reorganize work, the union, with its strong influence in the works councils, has the power to turn its vision into reality.

Partly because of a strong union and active works councils, VW weathered the demise of the Beetle in the mids, various market crises, and recessions in the s without major disruptions. Unlike auto producers in most other countries, VW did not lay off workers or demand wage concessions in the early s. Of course, strong unions like IG Metall also impose constraints on management that make managing harder.

But in certain situations, such constraints can be enabling. The pressure that IG Metall puts on German companies forces them to keep and retrain workers, use labor more flexibly, and move into diversified, quality, high-volume production. And in the long run, VW is likely to have a work force that is much more committed to a new way of working than would be the case in a nonunion enterprise. While the UAW is involved in some very advanced worker participation efforts—especially, what amounts to comanagement with General Motors of the Saturn plant in Spring Hill, Tennessee—it has had only scattered successes.

According to Turner, this is largely because authoritarian traditions persist at many auto plants. Even when managers introduce more participatory organizational structures, they usually do so unilaterally—sometimes pressuring the local union to accept them under the threat of a plant shutdown. Turner suggests that lack of an active union role in company decision making goes a long way toward explaining the crisis of the U.

In the absence of institutional mechanisms such as those provided by works councils, there is no sure way for companies to integrate employees into the change process. Instead of defeating or marginalizing unions, Turner argues, U. To that end, many of the authors of the texts cited here argue for laws mandating worker participation—along the lines of those in Germany and other European nations. Weiler, for example, says that every workplace with 25 employees or more should have an Employee Participation Committee EPC with members elected by all employees.

Modeled on the German works council, the EPC would have to be consulted on all decisions affecting the work force and would have a voice on a far broader range of subjects than provided by traditional collective bargaining. Weiler concedes that mandatory participation laws have no chance of being enacted in the near future. Companies, not without reason, would regard the EPC as a precursor to a union.

Without such a legal mandate, participation may never become as pervasive in the United States as it is in Germany. Still, some U. As other essays in Unions and Economic Competitiveness indicate, America-style worker participation—with unions—can work very well indeed. Worker Participation, American-Style Since the s, when team-based production began on a very small scale in the United States, the most publicized examples generally have come from nonunion plants.

As a result, managers have commonly assumed that nonunion companies are better at worker participation and employee involvement than union companies are. But according to recent research reported in Unions and Economic Competitiveness, this is no longer the case.

For example, economists Adrienne E. Eaton of Rutgers and Paula B. Nonunion companies led in only one such practice—the use of profit-sharing plans. But profit sharing does not require a fundamental restructuring of a company and is a weak motivator unless accompanied by employee participation. On the other hand, a production system organized around self-managing teams forces the most deep-seated changes and produces the best results in terms of productivity and quality.

The General Accounting Office data show that by unionized companies reported more use of teamwork than nonunion companies. Kelley of Carnegie-Mellon and Bennett Harrison of MIT examine the experience of more than 1, manufacturing plants that used labor-management problem-solving committees in the s. The nonunion workplaces were not only less likely to provide workers with real protections such as job security but were also significantly less efficient than the unionized plants.

What explains such findings? According to Eaton and Voos, most team-based work systems in a unionized setting are the product of a formal quid pro quo. The union agrees to eliminate old work rules to make way for team production. In exchange, it usually wins improved job security, gain-sharing, or higher wages. Thus they are more likely to survive. The company is converting all of its 28 U.

The company decided a few years ago it could remain competitive only by giving line workers more responsibility in decisions about production. Corning is now in the midst of rooting out old production lines and retraining virtually all of its 20, employees to work in the new systems. About two-thirds of these workers need remedial education in reading and math. At about a dozen plants, plant redesign committees, including shop-floor workers, are now devising plans for restructuring jobs.

Self-managing teams have been installed in sections of more than 20 plants, and company and union officials are starting the redesign process in the others. As part of the new partnership, employees cannot work themselves out of a job through this massive involvement effort. If more efficient practices enable Corning to reduce the work force, it will do so by attrition. As a consequence, it appears that unions will have to transform themselves and, in the process, hasten the transformation of the entire U.

Put another way, what are the leverage points for redefining union influence in the new economy? Consider four: training, work redesign, employee ownership, and the new work force. The training dilemma facing most U.

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You should start a union at work. Here's why and how.

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